新闻文化

出版时间:2010-3  出版社:北京大学出版社  作者:斯图亚特·艾伦  页数:245  

前言

  媒介是神奇的,社会也是神奇的,媒介与社会的耦合生产出无限的神奇。从涂尔干《宗教生活的基本形式》关于“社会”与唤起社会意识的符号与仪式共生的理论来看,媒介使社会显得神奇的过程也造就了自身的神奇。  人类在现代大众传播成为现实之前对于“神奇”的感知是经由巫师及其巫术的转化来实现的。澳洲土著在图腾舞蹈的狂热中感受到超个人的社会力量的存在。满身披挂的萨满用舞蹈和神歌请灵降神,让已经消逝的显露原形,让凡人通常不可见的显现真身,让千山万水之遥的即刻大驾光临。借助巫术,时间和空间的障碍可以暂时克服,过去的、未来的都可以在现实中出现,墓室中的、仙山上的都可以召唤到面前。  这些神奇经验在现当代越来越彻底地被大众媒介所造就,电视、网络等图像传输技术在其中发挥着关键作用。大人物像变戏法一样总跑到百姓居室内高谈阔论,历史的亡灵在荧屏上召之即来,挥之即去。媒介使常人具有千里眼、顺风耳,看见那原本遥不可见的,听清那从前根本就听不到的。媒介是神奇的,它在社会中的运行有如巫术。几百年的现代化对世界“祛魅”。结果我们看到人类社会所集聚的全部的“魅”都汇聚于媒介,并被媒介无限放大。  长期耳濡目染,对媒介的神奇人们已经习以为常了,就像前现代的人对巫术习以为常一样。但是,这个过程一直都是知识界探讨的课题。现代大众媒介的各种新形式从一开始出现的时候就会被知识界作为新事物加以关注。从较早的照相、无线电广播到电影、电视,再到近年的新媒介传播,关于大众传媒研究、文化研究、虚拟社会研究的知识生产就一直紧随媒介发展的步伐。媒介研究在发达国家已经形成庞大的群体和细密的分工,这个群体既能够追逐传播领域的新事物,也能够通过专业的眼光让人们习以为常的许多方面显出怪异来,从而引发众人的注意和分析的兴趣。我们国内的媒介研究在这两个方向上都需要培育自己的能力。  依靠现代大众媒介运行的社会是一种机制极其不同的社会,中国社会正在越来越深地涉入其中。

内容概要

我们应该打破“媒体—社会”二元论,这样我们才能更好地理清千头万绪的问题,解决麻烦重重的矛盾,但在纯概念的背景下人们往往直接回避了这些难题。我们应该尽力发现新闻媒体如何与其赖以生存的权力和控制力之间保持相互依存的关系,同时我们还应该看到新闻媒体是如何曲解、改变,甚至挑战这种唇齿相依的关系的。

作者简介

斯图亚特·艾伦(Stuart Allan)英国波恩茅斯大学(Bournemouth University)新闻学教授,研究领域为新闻与传播。主要著作有:《媒介、风险与科学》(2002)、《在线新闻:新闻与互联网》(2006)等。

书籍目录

INTRODUCTION: THE CULTURE OF NEWS 1 THE RISE OF 'OBJECTIVE' NEWSPAPER REPORTING  From smoke signals to daily newspapers  The emergence of popular journalism  Separating 'facts' from 'values'  The toil of ink-stained hacks  'Objectivity' as a professional ideal  Further reading 2 THE EARLY DAYS OF RADIO AND TELEVISION NEWS  BBC News on the 'wireless'  The start of radio news in the USA  The limits of 'impartiality': British television news  US television news begins  Further reading 3 MAKING NEWS: TRUTH, IDEOLOGY AND NEWSWOPK  Structuring public debate  News values and frames  Routinizing the unexpected  A hierarchy of credibility  Issues of access  Further reading 4 TUE CULTURAL POLITICS OF NEWS DISCOURSE  News and hegemony  The common sense of newspaper discourse  The language of radio news  The textuality of television news  'The obvious facts of the matter'  Further reading 5 NEWS, AUDIENCES AND EVERYDAY LIFE  Mapping the newspaper audience  Sceptical laughter? Reading the tabloids  'Decoding' television news  The everydayness of news  Conclusion  Further reading 6 THE GENDERED REALITIES OF JOURNALISM  Feminist critiques of objectivity  Macho culture of newswork  Gender politics of representation  (En)gendering violence in the news  Further reading 7 'US AND THEM': RACISH IN TH[ NEWS  Naturalizing racism  Reporting law and order  The enemy 'Other': journalism in wartime  AI-Jazeera and the sanitization of war  'Writing white': ethnic minorities and newswork  Further reading 8 JOURNALISM ON THE WEB: SEPTEMBER 11 AND THE WAR IN IRAQ  News on the Internet  Reporting September 11  Citizen-produced coverage  Searching for answers  Blogging the war in Iraq  The digital divide  Further reading 9 'GOOD JOURNALISM IS POPULAR CULTURE'  Ratings, profits and relevance  Celebrities, tabloidization and infotainment  Strategies for change  Points of departure  Further reading Glossary References

章节摘录

  rences at certain localities and not others; second, readers are concerned with the activities of only specific organizations; and third, readers find only particular topics to be worthy of attention.  In light of this set of working assumptions, Tuchman (1978: 25-31) maintains  that three interrelated methods of dispersing reporters can be described using the following criteria: geographic territoriality, organizational specialization and topical specialization.  First, 'geographic territoriality' is the most important of the three methods basic to the news net. Each news organization divides the social world into distinct areas of territorial responsibility so as to realize its respective 'news mission'. Assessments can then be made as to where news is most likely to happen - in effect, as McQuail (1992) notes, a self-fulfilling tendency - thereby allowing for a considerable degree of pre-planning. The news mission is a double-sided dynamic: on the one hand, it conforms to certain presumptions regarding what the audience 'wants to know' while, on the other hand, it sets these presumptions against pre-given financial and technological constraints (on the importance in this regard of the international news agencies, such as Reuters, Associated Press, United Press International and Agence France Presse, see Wallis and Baran 1990; G. Reeves 1993; Herman and McChesney 1997; Boyd-Barrett and Rantanen 1998; van Ginneken 1998).  Second, 'organizational specialization' is another method for dispersing reporters.  Beats and bureaux need to be set up in connection with the numerous organizations that are regularly 'making news' in that specific territory. Examples range from the 'crime beat', including such places as the police station, courts or prisons, to other sitesroutinely generating news like the city council, the fire and rescue services, the health authority, and so forth. Due to their formal status as sources of centralized information, these sites are legitimized as the preferred places for newsworkers to collect the facts they require.  ……

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